Vencer el programa golpista

186
Manuela D’Avila y Fernando Haddad.

Pietro Lora Alarcón (Especial para VOZ)

La situación de Brasil se inscribe en el marco de la ofensiva reaccionaria de reducción de los derechos sociales y el recorte de la democracia participativa y deliberativa, de amplio contenido popular que se venía abriendo paso en América Latina durante la década pasada.

Se puede caracterizar la situación actual como resultado del golpe derechista, contrario a los intereses populares, tanto en lo externo como en lo interno, que debilita la posibilidad de desarrollo estratégico en un país de inmensos recursos naturales con la subordinación de su petróleo al capital internacional y que tiende, con ajustes neoliberales en la economía, a reducir el papel del Estado y ampliar el dominio del capital financiero, que posee el 70% de la oferta de crédito y agrava el deterioro del nivel del vida de los trabajadores.

A partir del 31 de agosto del 2016, cuando asumió Michel Temer la presidencia del Brasil como consecuencia del golpe parlamentario sobre Dilma Rousseff, se configuró en el país un modelo de “Estado de excepción”, caracterizado por la implementación de un programa de recortes de los derechos sociales, congelando inversiones en la salud y la educación, para que la oligarquía brasileña recuperara los privilegios que habían perdido con los programas sociales iniciados por los gobiernos Lula (2003-2007 y 2008-2011).

Programa contra los trabajadores

El desarrollo de ese “programa para el atraso” promovido por el gobierno golpista incluyó la presentación de proyectos de enmienda constitucional y proyectos de ley. Mencionamos por su impacto lesivo para los trabajadores los siguientes: recorte de las garantías en el momento de la contratación, que implica que los patronos pueden negociar directamente con el trabajador prevaleciendo el acuerdo entre ellos por sobre las normas legales; la tercerización de la actividad de las empresas, que hoy pueden contratar como “trabajadores tercerizados”, reduciendo los salarios y despojando al trabajador de garantías laborales, en un contexto de desempleo de 65 millones de personas en los meses de junio y julio y que es el mayor de la historia.

Militarización y fascistización

Además, el golpe estimuló el surgimiento de las ideas reaccionarias y rápidamente movimientos fascistas y contrarios a la izquierda, hicieron su aparición con discursos contrarios a cualquier proyecto fundado en la paz, la igualdad, la tolerancia o la democracia. En ese contexto, el militarismo, de baja presencia desde la caída de la dictadura en la década del 80, reapareció exigiendo voz y participación en la recomposición del nuevo escenario del poder.

Por esa vía, los militares asumieron, a través del mecanismo de la intervención federal, el control de la seguridad ciudadana en el Estado de Río de Janeiro y el Congreso aprobó la ley, luego sancionada por Temer, para que los militares sean juzgados por tribunales militares cuando de sus operaciones resulten crímenes contra civiles en acciones de garantía de la ley y el orden (GLO). El golpe incluye, la justicia selectiva, la criminalización, en el marco de los ajustes políticos, de aquellos que puedan representar una amenaza al proyecto o que deben ser, en las cuentas de la derecha que agencia la retoma del poder, descartados por indeseados en el proceso, aunque hayan permanecido fieles al golpe.

La “operación lava jato” -emprendida contra “la corrupción”- selecciona, hace los ajustes convenientes y castiga al ritmo de las coyunturas en un clima de “sálvese quien pueda” con denuncias a cambio de favores del Estado, una deconstrucción peligrosa del derecho penal. Así, jueces y la Corte Constitucional, el Supremo Tribunal Federal, reciben toda suerte de presiones para relativizar derechos y garantías procesales. La ola de las puniciones, endurecer las penas y encontrar los enemigos de la sociedad pasó a ser un tema de moda. Y entre los enemigos propuestos por la clase dominante y la gran prensa están, los movimientos sociales.

El aparato judicial contra la izquierda

La prisión arbitraria de Lula muestra todo este escenario y el diseño antidemocrático de las elecciones de octubre. Lula se mantuvo al frente en las encuestas durante todo el tiempo de su candidatura, retirada después de la sentencia del Tribunal superior electoral. Su dimensión, carisma y fuerza electoral le otorgaron siempre más del 35% de las intenciones del voto. Eso significaba una amenaza constante para el proyecto golpista.

Hoy la izquierda, fragmentada, tiene como tarea en el escenario de la lucha de clases que se reproduce en la forma electoral, ganar para reemprender el camino detenido y obstaculizado, tanto por sus errores en la conducción de la política, especialmente en el último gobierno de Dilma, en el terreno de la economía. El objetivo electoral de las fuerzas de derecha es ganar para consolidar el golpe. El problema es su dificultad para dar identidad a su “candidato natural” extraído de la clase históricamente dominante, el exgobernador de Sao Paulo Geraldo Alckmin. Alckmin se propone colocarse en medio de la candidatura del PT y del Partido Comunista del Brasil PC do B, encabezada por Fernando Haddad y Manuela D´Avila, que representan una parte de los sectores progresistas del país, y la candidatura de Jair Bolsonaro, surgida de ese escenario de conservadurismo, racista, homofóbico, apoyada por sectores religiosos de discurso con “valores tradicionales de la familia”, oriundo del ala militar más reaccionaria, y que en la actual confusión, se torna peligrosa.

Las posibilidades de las fuerzas progresistas

Las fuerzas democráticas tienen el desafío de avanzar a una propuesta electoral única en el caso de que Bolsonaro o Alckmin pasen a la segunda vuelta el día 7 de octubre. Esa candidatura única no fue alcanzada para la primera vuelta, a pesar de los esfuerzos. Así, además de Haddad y Manuela, que también son apoyados por el partido Causa Operaria y el PROS -Partido Republicano-, Guilherme Boulos, un joven luchador popular que milita en el Partido Socialismo y Libertad (PSOL), es candidato con el apoyo del Partido Comunista Brasileño, (PCB) y Joao Goulart, hijo del presidente que sufrió el golpe militar de 1964, es candidato del Partido Patria Libre (PPL).

A esas candidaturas hay que sumar las de Marina Silva, de la Red Sustentabilidad, y Ciro Gomes del Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT), que defienden proyectos nacionales y condenan las agresiones a los trabajadores de este periodo, asumiendo posturas críticas. Las elecciones son decisivas no solamente para el Brasil. Una victoria de la izquierda significaría un avance de alcance internacional que abriría espacios a una nueva correlación de fuerzas en el continente, dando un serio golpe a la restauración neoliberal y generando caminos para la paz, la seguridad regional y los derechos del pueblo.

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