Multitudinario acompañamiento popular

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Acompañamiento popular a la posesión de Nicolás Maduro como presidente de Venezuela. Foto Telesur.

Si la democracia (como dijera el presidente Abraham Lincoln) es el gobierno del pueblo, por el pueblo y para el pueblo, faltándole señalar con el pueblo, no hay nada que mejor pinte lo que fue la posesión para su segundo mandato del presidente de Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros, ante el Tribunal Superior Judicial, el pasado 10 de enero

Alfredo Valdivieso

A despecho de los titulares de algunos medios de comunicación de Colombia, que señalaron una fementida “soledad de la posesión” del presidente venezolano, Nicolás Maduro, quienes tuvimos el privilegio y la fortuna de ser testigos del acontecimiento, podemos señalar que nunca jamás en la historia, por ejemplo de Colombia de los tiempos modernos, una juramentación presidencial se puede comparar con el entusiasta, masivo y comprometido acompañamiento de los ciudadanos a su mandatario.

Ni barreras metálicas o alambradas, ni soldados o policías armados para flanquear el acceso de los electores a su gobernante, como sucede en Colombia. Ni requisa exhaustiva, con retención de aparatos electrónicos –celulares, tabletas, etc.– y hasta bolígrafos, como es para entrar al Palacio de Nariño u otro sitio en que esté el presidente colombiano (y lo asevero, porque eso nos pasó en el ingreso al acto en que Juan M. Santos como presidente debió reconocer la culpabilidad del Estado en el genocidio contra la UP). Y eso que el acto de juramentación ante el TSJ se dio en un día laborable, no festivo.

Ver un presidente, en ejercicio, llegar con una precaria caravana de seguridad, y ser abrazado por su pueblo; presenciar el entusiasmo de los ciudadanos, aprovisionados de un cartel con el lema “yo soy presidente”, para resaltar el presidente-pueblo; con banderas venezolanas y pancartas de saludo; ser testigo de la algarabía y júbilo ciudadano y el apoyo masivo a la juramentación ante el Tribunal Superior, lo mismo que el acompañamiento a las actividades que se desarrollaron en el Fuerte Tiuna y la Academia Militar, donde se reafirmó la lealtad y reconocimiento de la Fuerza Armada Nacional Bolivariana con todos sus componentes, incluyendo las milicias populares, sustento de las comunas (que cuentan ya con un millón seiscientos mil integrantes y que para el próximo abril llegará a dos millones de seres humanos), es un asunto que para el caso colombiano sería exótico.

Pero además un evento como el de la posesión, sin el aparato militar a que nos tiene acostumbrados la “democracia colombiana”, pero con un impresionante y animador resguardo de tropas uniformadas de época, con fusiles ceremoniales con bayoneta calada (y no con el armamento de guerra o contención) es ver un nuevo estilo de gobierno.

La “soledad” de Maduro

La supuesta soledad, porque no hubo la presencia de presidentes de países que están en permanente conspiración y fraguando un golpe de estado, o porque no hubo el acompañamiento de organismos internacionales que se oponen al gobierno de Maduro, es soslayar la presencia de una enorme cantidad de países que respetan los principios de autodeterminación de los pueblos y de no injerencia en los asuntos de los demás países. Se oculta, por ejemplo, la asistencia de presidentes, primeros ministros, ministros de defensa y altos delegados de más de noventa países de todas las latitudes; de organismos de cooperación internacional y multilaterales.

Pero además, es ignorar de forma sospechosa, la presencia de delegaciones de cientos de organizaciones sociales, políticas y populares de diverso signo de 92 países, que constituyen una verdadera diplomacia de los pueblos. Es decir, para los grandes medios de comunicación, correa de transmisión de los intereses de los monopolios y emporios económicos de los que son propiedad, el respaldo y “legitimidad” se da solo si aparece el espaldarazo de las élites que gobiernan el mundo bajo la batuta del imperio norteamericano.

Posesión legítima

Otro asunto, con el que se ha hecho alharaca, como si fuera algo anormal, es que la posesión de Nicolás Maduro Moros como presidente de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela se hiciera ante el Tribunal Superior de Justicia del país y no ante la Asamblea Nacional. Se omite señalar que esa es una previsión de la Constitución del país, que señala que la posesión y juramentación se hará ante la Asamblea Nacional, pero ante “hechos sobrevenidos” se hará ante el TSJ. Callar la existencia de esa norma constitucional, sería tanto como desconocer el artículo 192 de nuestra Constitución de 1991, que igualmente mandata que el presidente tomará posesión ante el Congreso; pero que “si por cualquier motivo, el mismo no pudiera tomar posesión ante el Congreso lo hará ante la Corte Suprema de Justicia, o en defecto de ésta, ante dos testigos”.

La posesión ante el TSJ se dio, porque el propio Tribunal Superior (equivalente a nuestra Corte Suprema) declaró en desacato a la Asamblea Nacional, que no reconoce la división de los poderes públicos en el vecino país. Y no es cierto, como afirman los medios de comunicación de Colombia, siguiendo los dictados gringos, que el presidente se haya elegido de manera ilegítima.

Las elecciones presidenciales que tuvieron ocurrencia el 20 de mayo de 2018 (en fecha fijada por la autoridad electoral de Venezuela), enfrentó a Maduro Moros con dos candidatos más –pues otro se retiró, a pesar de haber comprometido su palabra de participar en el debate− y esos dos candidatos, que tuvieron un aproximado de millón y medio de votos, fueron derrotados por el candidato del PSUV y las fuerzas alternativas y revolucionarias, Nicolás Maduro, que obtuvo casi el 68% del total de la votación.

Es decir un rasero para la “calidad de democracia” no puede ser el fijado por un país como los EE.UU., en que el primer mandatario Donald Trump fue elegido con menos votos populares que su contendiente, aunque por el arcaico modelo de democracia censitaria de los llamados colegios electorales de USA el voto de los ciudadanos contabilizados en las urnas tenga menos peso que las decisiones de los colegios electorales, tan rudimentarios y excluyentes que, por ejemplo Colombia, fueron eliminados desde comienzos del siglo XX.

Democracia a la venezolana

En próxima ocasión ahondaremos sobre los temas centrales planteados en un discurso hilvanado, aunque salpicado de circunloquios (propios de un presidente de extracción obrera) y las líneas centrales fijadas para el período que va entre el 10 de enero de 2019 y el 10 de enero de 2025, cundo terminará el sexenio del mandato.

Pero vale la pena concluir: la democracia como gobierno del, por y para el pueblo, ha tenido el magnífico complemento, observado pero olímpicamente desconocido por los medios masivos de Colombia y otros países enemigos del proceso bolivariano, de que cuenta con el pueblo, que respalda de manera entusiasta a sus gobernantes, que no solo es Nicolás Maduro Moros, como jefe del gobierno, sino en especial la pléyade de jóvenes, salidos de las canteras populares de la Venezuela secularmente expoliada y avasallada, que hoy conforman el gabinete ministerial y el núcleo de los viceministerios.

Un proceso revolucionario es vital, en la medida en que es capaz de atraer y comprometer a la juventud.

Acto de posesión ante el Tribunal Supremo de Justicia de Venezuela. Foto VTV.

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