Los comunistas y el territorio: Aporte mínimo a la discusión (I)

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Sergio Estevan García Cardona
@SergioEstevan1 

Este artículo pretende inducir a una discusión en la cual parecieran rezagados los programas políticos que, en aras de la premura de la situación política, han optado por posponer: el territorio y la apuesta comunista por lo territorial. Tendrá dos entregas, una en la cual se hablará de las razones que explican el ‘renovado interés’ por el territorio, de las aproximaciones antitéticas entre el marxismo y ‘los territorios del capital’, y las apuestas de los comunistas. En la segunda, se abordará el problema de la división campo-ciudad en la discusión sobre el territorio, las críticas a la visión posestructuralista y los nuevos retos de los comunistas con respecto a los territorios rurales.

¿Un renovado interés por el territorio?

La preocupación por el territorio, que parece cada vez tener mayor recepción en la academia, puede rastrearse hasta los siglos XV y XVI, cuando Maquiavelo primero, y Hobbes después, notaron que el control territorial era la base real del poder político del Estado. La población, los recursos, la legitimidad e, incluso, la estructura social, solamente encontrarían sentido, desde su visión moderna primitiva, en el territorio como espacio homogénea y planamente concebido. Sin embargo, fue sólo hasta el siglo XVIII, siguiendo a Raffestin, que el estudio del territorio se convirtió en una disciplina y, en tanto tal, asumió diversos caracteres, que lo llevaron desde el análisis de componentes físicos del espacio hasta la pesquisa de sus elementos sociales constitutivos. La geografía, que desde la perspectiva fundante de Ratzel era una geografía del Estado (bajo el supuesto de que todo poder político residía, se originaba y se reproducía en y por el aparato estatal), se constituyó entonces como ciencia del Estado, que incluía a la naciente sociología y, por supuesto, a la ciencia política (que para entonces tomaba la denominación de staatswissenchanften, literalmente, ciencia estatal).

En síntesis, el ‘surgimiento del territorio’ significó una doble transformación: por un lado, el nacimiento de disciplinas alusivas a su estudio y análisis; y por otro, una nueva concepción estatal, que superara la fragmentación y la fragilidad territorial feudal, afincada en unidades de producción locales, que negaban territorial y espacialmente la consolidación de un capitalismo mercantil (en un primer momento, asociado al dominio económico de la cuenca del mediterráneo y el comercio con el ‘Este’), y posteriormente, el tránsito a la producción, circulación y distribución de mercancías propio del capitalismo fabril pos-Revolución Industrial. Podemos decir de este proceso de territorialización capitalista, en cualquiera de sus fases, que esequivalente al proceso de estatalización moderno, fundiendo analítica y políticamente la formación del Estado con su concreción territorial y los requerimientos económicos estructurales. Bajo esta premisa, que se dispone como una perspectiva analítica propia (de la que se hablará más adelante), los procesos de reordenamiento del territorio, tanto desde la visión estatal como desde la de sujetos sociales no estatales en los territorios, suponen una enconada lucha de poderes que se balancean entre la reproducción del estado de cosas imperante y la posibilidad de ruptura con ese orden establecido por el poder fáctico del Estado en el espacio.

Sin embargo, esta visión no es nueva en absoluto: Henri Lefebvre, desde la década de los cincuenta, venía explorando la relación política, económica e ideológica del Estado, el territorio y las clases sociales, noción ésta reeditada por teóricos como David Harvey, SaskiaSassen y (el posmoderno) Edward Soja. Este interés súbito por el territorio, que se expresa en el adjetivo ‘territorial’ a todo plan, programa o proyecto, es digno de estudiar: en el marco de la implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz, se ha hablado de ‘paz territorial’, ‘programas de desarrollo con enfoque territorial’, ‘desarrollo territorial’, ‘desarrollo rural con enfoque territorial’, etc., lo que cuando menos, marca una dirección de la discusión política, institucional y académica nacional. Por ello, vale decir que el interés renovado por ‘lo territorial’, tanto en el plano urbano como en el rural, puede explicarse por tres factores: (1) la incapacidad que tuvo el Estado moderno para homogenizar económicamente de manera definitiva a los territorios, negándose a sí mismo en su propia concreción, y obligándose a reeditar fórmulas de control territorial; (2) el requerimiento estructural del neoliberalismo como ‘fase más alta’ del capitalismo actual de reordenarse productivamente, exigiendo reordenamientos territoriales favorables a su reproducción y pervivencia; y (3) la resistencia y respuesta de los sujetos políticos que han construido históricamente organizaciones territoriales anti-capitalistas y fundado su repertorio de luchas en contra de los denominados ‘territorios del capital’. Esta tríada puede despejar el camino en el análisis territorial actual, especialmente en contextos como el colombiano.

Aproximaciones actuales al territorio: territorios del capital vs la visión marxista

Podrían discernirse en la literatura sobre el territorio al menos tres grandes aproximaciones a la cuestión territorial, con una cuarta, vista quizá como su aplicación institucional en Colombia, que es más bien ecléctica y dispersa. Por asuntos de espacio, la discusión con la visión posestructuralista vista en perspectiva histórica quedará para una entrega posterior. Por ello hablaremos de manera general de la idea de los ‘territorios del capital’ en contraposición absoluta con la visión marxista del territorio.

Solamente después de 1945, y asociado a los problemas económicos y políticos de la posguerra, fue que el territorio vino a hacer parte de manera integral a la discusión sobre el tipo de modelo económico, debate éste signado desde 1949 por el discurso y práctica del desarrollo. En ese contexto, el aporte de Rostow fue decisivo, porque a través de su modelo por etapas, orientó la noción del territorio en un plano exclusivamente económico: espacio de producción, distancias de distribución, recorrido de comercialización, en una palabra, movimiento de capital en clave de su producción y reproducción. Tiebout, más adelante, con su teoría de la base de exportación, reafirmó (aunque con una lógica inversa a la idea de la especialización productiva de Rostow) la noción allí presente, lo que constituyó la base de la diferenciación urbano-rural en la academia, bajo el modelo de la economía dual. La lógica subyacente a estas nociones es que el territorio se entiende como la unidad espacial de producción rural y urbana, que se explica en clave de crecimiento económico como equivalente al desarrollo. En su vertiente neoliberal, ascendente desde la crisis de la deuda y la eternización de los Planes de Ajuste Estructural (PAE), se adicionaron componentes que expresan preocupaciones sobre los retos sociales de la globalización, la descentralización y las posibilidades participativas locales, la reducción de la pobreza y de la desigualdad social, etcétera. Sin embargo, como concepto, los territorios del capital expresan la acepción tradicional: la nueva visión territorial carga un tinte lampedusiano, a saber, cambió todo para que todo siguiera igual.

Por lo anterior, las reformas institucionales en el sector rural, la presunción de que la actividad rural no agrícola y formas no tradicionales de trabajo tanto en la ciudad como en el campo, las nuevas políticas de manejo y ordenamiento del territorio, la preocupación por el medio ambiente, etc., se constituyen como el tránsito a un nuevo momento tanto del Estado (en su relación, por supuesto, con la estructura social) como de la formación económica capitalista; no obstante, la visión territorial, tanto en lo político como en lo económico, se mantiene incólume. Es lo que Fernandes resume como procesos permanentes de “extracción de recursos naturales, la concentración de la tierra con la consecuente expulsión de los campesinos o su permanencia en el territorio pero bajo sujeción a prácticas económicas que les privan del acceso a la tierra y desnaturalizan sus prácticas territoriales. Como resultado de estas estrategias, el paisaje del territorio del capital es homogéneo, predomina el monocultivo, la desertificación poblacional y la producción a gran escala”[1].

En contrasentido, la visión marxista se asume crítica radical de esta ‘apariencia’ territorial, y apunta a develar todo cuanto de místico haya en la explicación capitalista del territorio.Los principales pinos de esta aproximación deben buscarse, lógicamente, en la concepción materialista de la historia, que en su proceso desmitificador de las categorías hegelianas y su reproducción obtusa en clave feuerbachiana, busca en el hombre mismo, esto es, en sus relaciones sociales reales (productivas y reproductivas), la explicación de su ser social y, por lo tanto, de su propia conciencia social. Este es, pues, un sentido amplio que no hace referencia directa y explícita al territorio, pero que sí estructura lo que más adelante aparecerá en El Capital (1870). El espacio social, después entendido como territorio, está inserto por lo tanto en el campo de relaciones propio de la estructura social para cada época, que en el caso actual se define como capitalista. Es éste el punto angular del cual parte el análisis marxista: superar la visión unívoca y homogénea que separa la territorialidad de los sujetos que la producen, al tiempo que negar la visión subjetivista por la cual el territorio es meramente una construcción social. Ya en el capítulo sobre La Mercancía y, posteriormente, en el referente a la acumulación originaria, Marx establecerá el patrón esencial de construcción territorial del capital: el despojo vía separación progresiva y artificial del campesino de sus medios de producción, arrojándolo desnudo a la venta de su fuerza de trabajo en una sociedad cada vez más industrializada y, como se dirá más adelante, urbanizada.

A partir de lo anterior, Lefebvre retomará, ya en el siglo XX, el problema del espacio y de lo territorial como partes esenciales del modo de producción capitalista y, en ese sentido, de la concreción del aparato estatal de él resultante. Para éste, la base real del Estado, en donde ven concreción las clases sociales en abstracto, los dispositivos de poder, en una palabra, la capacidad hegemónica de la clase social dominante en poder de la institucionalidad estatal, es el territorio, comprendido en clave de espacio geográfico (objetivo) en relación con su producción social (subjetivo). No será tema de esta entrega, pero de esta caracterización, y de su historización que deviene en la actual división campo-ciudad/rural-urbano, es que parten Harvey y Sassen para expresar, volviendo a Lefebvre, que la revolución será urbana o no será.

¿Qué nos corresponde a los comunistas en este nuevo contexto?

Es fundamental incorporar activamente los debates actuales sobre el territorio como espacio de desenvolvimiento social a las discusiones programáticas y estratégicas del partido. Por mucho tiempo, la lucha de clases se concibió en su dimensión política, económica e ideológica (teórica), tal como lo previó Engels y lo reafirmó Lenin en su Qué hacer. Sin embargo, la dimensión espacial de las luchas y su articulación con la desestructuración progresiva de los cánones clásicos del capitalismo, se muestra ahora prelativa y, paradójicamente, descuidada. Aunque la ciudad ha sido objeto de estudio, las nuevas relaciones campo-ciudad, las zonas grises entre lo rural y lo urbano (los llamados fenómenos de urbanización de lo rural y ruralización de lo urbano), ha quedado consignado ese esfuerzo incipiente sólo de manera marginal en los ejercicios partidistas, que condicionan la táctica y, por lo tanto, establecen de manera dispersa la actitud territorial de la actividad militante. Por ello, propongo tres puntos nodales que deberán ser desarrollados a profundidad, con miras a la apertura de un debate sereno pero pronto sobre nuestro papel territorial:

  1. Desligarnos de la visión territorial del gobierno colombiano que, encubierta en los Acuerdos de Paz, subsume las lógicas reivindicativas y exigencias transformadoras de la población colombiana al ordenamiento territorial del capital. Es menester por ello reconsiderar conceptos en principio inofensivos como ‘enfoque territorial’, etc., que vienen como careta de paradigmas generales del desarrollo neoliberal. Pareciera existir una recepción acrítica de los comunistas colombianos para con el significado político de tales categorías.
  2. Revitalizar el interés por el territorio, en clave autónoma y beligerante: lo territorial es el espacio de desenvolvimiento pero, especialmente, de concreción de la lucha de clases (en la forma que ella adopte), por lo que su estudio exhaustivo y su desarrollo político se convierten en puntas de lanza en las actuales condiciones de acumulación de capital y sus formas ‘superestructurales’ de gobierno. La academia no es neutral, y así debe concebirse originalmente.
  3. Repensar las interacciones entre los sujetos populares y sus visiones territoriales en clave de proyecto político amplio, que permita hacer efectiva, en un primer momento, la contestación a la organización territorial neoliberal, para así transitar a una concepción territorial propia, adaptada a las condiciones y características propias de la formación social colombiana. Esto implica, al tiempo, pensar en el ordenamiento territorial como un campo de batalla en el que la incidencia del partido debe ir creciendo, con un programa ajustado para que ello así lo permita.

[1]Fernandes, B. M. (2009). Territorio, teoría y política. In J. G. Ferro & G. Tobón (Eds.), Las configuraciones de los territorios rurales en el siglo XXI. Bogotá: Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana.

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