Independencia o crisis de Estado

174
Bandera republicana en una manifestación en Barcelona.

Roberto Amorebieta
@amorebieta7 

Se escriben estas líneas después de ver las imágenes de la enorme manifestación por la unidad de España convocada en Barcelona y a pocas horas de que el gobierno catalán (la Generalitat) haga la anunciada Declaración Unilateral de Independencia (DUI). La manifestación ha contado con el apoyo de los partidos de la derecha española (Partido Popular y Ciudadanos) y los medios masivos de comunicación pero quienes se han llevado el protagonismo han sido organizaciones de ultraderecha fascista como la Falange y Democracia Nacional.

Si bien se calcula que se han reunido casi un millón de personas, hay muchas informaciones que dan cuenta de cientos de buses que se han trasladado desde diversos puntos de la geografía española para engrosar la convocatoria. Los dirigentes del proceso independentista han recomendado a sus seguidores quedarse en casa ante la posibilidad de actos de violencia y la realidad les ha dado la razón.

Mientras el mundo entero se escandalizaba ante las imágenes de policías golpeando indiscriminadamente a ciudadanos tratando de votar a favor o en contra de la independencia el pasado 1 de octubre (más de 800 heridos), hoy hemos visto imágenes de manifestantes enardecidos que al grito de “viva España” han golpeado y maltratado a personas a quienes han identificado con el independentismo.

Derecha separatista

La situación no puede ser más tensa. El gobierno de España, haciendo gala de su incapacidad política para gestionar la crisis, ha amenazado con toda suerte de medidas, desde suspender al gobierno catalán (algo que recientemente sólo ha sucedido en la dictadura de Franco) hasta intervenir con el ejército para impedir la DUI. El independentismo se radicaliza cada día que pasa y una solución a través del diálogo se ve cada vez más lejana.

Se ha dicho que no es prudente apoyar a ninguna de las dos partes automáticamente. Es cierto que la burguesía catalana (principal impulsora del proceso de independencia) ha pactado durante la dictadura y la “democracia” con la élite madrileña con el fin de frenar las aspiraciones populares, y ahora se sirve de la situación para radicalizar el proceso pensando únicamente en sus propios intereses. Por su parte, la derecha española, anclada en una visión homogénea y centralista de España, no ha sido capaz de conceder ni un ápice a las demandas de Catalunya y ha demostrado que está dispuesta a usar la violencia contra la legítima aspiración del pueblo catalán de decidir sobre su autodeterminación.

Ambos sectores han utilizado el discurso nacionalista (catalán o español) para ocultar los graves casos de corrupción que ponen en tela de juicio la propia legitimidad del régimen político. Mientras tanto, el rey Felipe VI, en un discurso absolutamente autorreferencial pronunciado el pasado martes 3 de octubre, ha perdido la oportunidad histórica de demostrar que su papel debe ser el de árbitro imparcial y ha comprado íntegramente el discurso de la derecha, demostrando que la Corona no sólo es una institución odiosa sino que además estorba al progreso de España.

Llamado a diálogo

Mientras tanto, la izquierda catalana, representada en partidos como Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, ERC (centro izquierda), o las Candidaturas de Unidad Popular, CUP (marxista), han expresado que la cuestión nacional pasa necesariamente por replantear el modelo de Estado y el modelo económico. Es decir, no basta con la independencia, debe transitarse hacia un escenario de justicia social en el que la gestión de la crisis no deposite en las clases trabajadoras todo el costo de la recuperación. Pero, por supuesto, para ello habría que comenzar por reformar la Constitución de 1978, algo que sólo se ha hecho para garantizar la sostenibilidad fiscal frente a las necesidades populares. Es decir, primero se paga la deuda a los bancos europeos y luego se mira a ver cómo se hace para sacar a la gente de la miseria.

En este escenario tan complejo se ha puesto de moda la palabra “equidistancia” para expresar posiciones que abogan por el diálogo y rechazan tanto las ansias independentistas catalanas como la obstinación de la derecha española. Desde esta perspectiva, lo deseable es llamar a la concordia y al encuentro para renegociar el encaje catalán en España y evitar así la secesión.

Figuras políticas como Pablo Iglesias (Podemos) han expresado su deseo de que Catalunya siga siendo española pero en el marco de un nuevo pacto que reconozca la nación catalana. Lo problemático de este tipo de posiciones es que son inviables por dos razones. La primera es que la situación de polarización ha llegado a tal punto que cualquiera que no tome partido es inmediatamente tachado de tibio o de cómplice del enemigo. La segunda es que ya no es posible una renegociación del Estatut catalán sin tocar el resto de componentes del pacto social español, es decir, lo que aquí está en juego ya no es la permanencia de Catalunya en España sino el carácter mismo del Estado español, monárquico y neoliberal.

El mal monárquico

En medio de tal crisis se abre pues la posibilidad de que el pueblo español (el mismo que resistió al fascismo durante la Guerra Civil) se apropie de su futuro y comprenda que el problema ya no es que Catalunya se quede o se vaya sino que hace falta una redefinición total de las reglas del juego. Y la primera que debe ponerse en cuestión es la propia existencia de la monarquía. Una monarquía ilegítima, impuesta por el dictador Francisco Franco quien designó como su sucesor al padre del actual rey y que si bien en 1978 se aprobó por referendo popular ante el dilema entre monarquía o dictadura, hoy debe replantearse incluyendo la posibilidad de transitar hacia una tercera República Española.

La transición de la dictadura a la “democracia” fue tutelada por los principales poderes fácticos de España (los poderes económicos, la Iglesia católica y el ejército) y aunque muchos se ufanan de considerarla “modélica”, ella está lejos de serlo. El régimen político español tiene graves fallas democráticas que han permitido, por ejemplo, que las cúpulas judiciales sean herederas directas del franquismo, lo que explica la existencia de leyes que limitan la libertad de expresión, o que el sistema electoral premie a las derechas (española y catalana, hay que decirlo) mientras castiga a partidos como Izquierda Unida, condenados a la subrepresentación.

El último rey que tuvo la ocurrencia de despreciar a los catalanes, Alfonso XIII, bisabuelo del actual monarca, presenció cómo su reino se derrumbaba y daba paso a la segunda República Española en 1931. Hoy podemos estar en una situación similar. Por eso, más que apoyar o no el proceso independentista catalán, el pueblo, los pueblos de España, deberían seguir el ejemplo de los islandeses que hicieron encarcelar a los políticos y banqueros responsables de la crisis, y de paso, echar al rey. En las manifestaciones en respaldo al derecho de los catalanes y catalanas a decidir su futuro, se ven cada vez más banderas republicanas. Es un buen presagio.

Por eso desde Colombia, en el 50 aniversario del guerrillero heroico, acompañamos a los pueblos catalán y español al grito de “España, mañana, será republicana. Y si es lista, será comunista”.

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